# Prem Sagar Poudel
The northeastern triangle of South Asia, the Siliguri Corridor, the Sikkim-Doklam Heights, the northwestern flank of Bangladesh, and the high mountainous terrain of the China-India border, have become the areas feeling the sharpest vibrations of power politics today. Beyond the victories and defeats of the 2017 Doklam standoff, geography and military science gave this place an extraordinary significance. From that moment on, the strategic competition between India, China, and the United States began to emerge openly, the true impact of which is now visible in the quietly changing appearance of every mountain pass, air route, military crossroads, river valley, and ridgeline.
India focused unprecedented attention on its Eastern Theater after 2017. The lesson learned from Doklam was clear: to be on par with China in terrain, speed, logistics, and high-ground control, India had to build capabilities that it lacked. Thus, from the Siliguri Corridor to the heights of Sikkim, from Kalimpong to Pakhim Airbase, Artillery Brigade, Engineering Regiments, forward supply nodes, surveillance detachments, altitude-training companies, aviation detachments, and special operations platoons were deployed sequentially. The expansion of air assets in Bagdogra, reconstruction of Pakkim airfield, dual-use runways, hardened shelters, short-takeoff platforms and logistics aprons have given a new edge to air-mobility.
The Siliguri Corridor is the definition of risk, rather than the strong word “lifeline” of India. If this narrow land, just 20-25 km wide, is blocked, seven states in the North-East may go into logistical isolation. Therefore, India is secretly constructing supply-transit routes, fuel convoys, ammunition storage points, bypass routes, and emergency transport lines on the corridor periphery. Due to its close proximity to Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh, the slightest tension could expose India to multipoint vulnerability.
The Doklam plateau is the real measuring unit of the China-India balance of power. China has expanded road extensions, seasonal posts, ridge-top shelters, high-mobility transport routes, surveillance stations, elevation-ready armored shuttles, and all-weather staging points here. These structures give Beijing a strategic advantage in capabilities such as reconnaissance, UAV pathing, artillery triangulation, and rapid reinforcement. China has already deployed plateau-adapted brigades, PCL artillery systems, electronic warfare units, UAV swarms, satellite-guided surveillance, and a digitized battle-management network under the Tibet Military District.
India is not passive either. Its Eastern Command has activated Tejas, Sukhoi-30MKI, BrahMos detachments, M777 howitzers, light tank trials, drone squadrons, surveillance helicopters, special frontier units, engineer task-forces and long-distance patrol routines. India has resumed 28-30-day long high-altitude patrols in the Doklam belt, which it has not done for years. Such a continued presence in difficult terrain is a sign of India’s resolve, a preparedness to immediately counter any forward push by China.
Meanwhile, the massive airport-cum-airbase being built in the northwestern part of Bangladesh has complicated the regional power math. Although outwardly it appears to be for civilian use, the runway specifications, apron pattern, emergency taxi-link, fueling bay depth, and building layout indicate dual-use. If in any scenario an external power, particularly the US, were to seek a logistical foothold, such a structure could become an appropriate platform. India is monitoring this closely because corridor proximity could quickly alter the strategic balance.
America is not just a spectator here. Under the Indo-Pacific strategy, Washington has expanded geospatial intelligence, encrypted communication, air–naval coordination, terrain–mapping, ISR data-sharing, satellite fusion, and logistics interoperability with India through LEMOA, COMCASA, and BECA. Joint exercises Yudh Abhyas, Vajra Prahar, airborne drills, mountain warfare rehearsal are strengthening forward presence, rapid deployment, hot-refuel technique, emergency airstrip simulation and joint surveillance capability. This influence is clearly a long-term strategic objective to counter China, and an American aspiration to make India a regional stabilizer and forward partner.
The surface of India-US interoperability has now reached such a depth that contingency coordination, mountain maneuver design, air-relay logistics, real-time tactical sharing, and forward recon exchange have become routine practices. Even if the US wants to keep boots-on-ground here, a large presence is not possible, but the technical footprint has been quietly expanding through ISR platforms, geospatial relay, and special operations liaison.
What appears to be a new challenge for China in this region is that the India-US partnership is building terrain-specific capabilities, the aim of which is to neutralize China’s advantage in the Himalayan theater. From Beijing’s perspective, India-US coordination is seen as an intrusion into the security bubble of the Tibetan plateau.
From a military perspective, the region is divided into three levels. The first level is forward presence, where India is gradually strengthening air-defense, fighter dispersal, artillery coverage, drone-grid, special operations outpost and mobility network at Pakkim, Bagdogra, Kalimpong, Hasimara and other nodal points. The second level is US–India strategic cooperation, where interoperability, shared mapping, encrypted communication, joint reconnaissance, and air/mountain maneuver rehearsal are priorities. Third level, China’s forward push counter-design where India has implemented altitude-adapted infantry, high-angle artillery, UAV patrol, electronic counter-surveillance, special frontier units, reinforced bunkers and rapid mobilization plan around the LAC.
If tension rises on the Siliguri-Doklam front, the conflict dynamics will become extremely intense. Corridor vulnerability will increase India’s defensive urgency, while China’s high-ground advantage will create initial pressure. If escalation occurs by mistake, artillery duels, UAV swarms, cyber jamming, electronic suppression, ridge-line contests, and air-support maneuvers may be the primary steps. But both countries do not want a full-scale confrontation. This region speaks the language of deterrence through terrain, mobility, logistics, and presence before the negotiating table.
This overall land-military structure makes it clear that the front from Siliguri to Doklam is not just a border dispute between two countries, it is a triangular equation of power between India-US-China. South Asia, the Tibetan plateau, the Bay of Bengal, and the entire Indo-Pacific security architecture depend on the stability of this region. Where if one side takes steps, the other side immediately counter-balancing.
For China, this region is the southern shield of Tibet, where foothill control, road network, rapid reinforcement routes, and surveillance dominance are considered essential. For India, the Doklam-Sikkim belt is a major shield protecting the country’s seven northeastern states. If the Chicken Neck is not secured, India’s integrity will be at risk. For the US, this is the center hinge of the Indo-Pacific strategic architecture, and it is expected that China’s expansion will be stopped by making India a platform.
In such a scenario, the current activities are not just routine military adjustments. This region has become a battlefield for power projection, influence contest, deterrence maneuver, intelligence competition, and long-term strategic positioning. And its true nature, unseen but with the use of very close modern military science, is much more complex than what neighboring nations are seeing.
Author: Prem Sagar Poudel is a senior journalist and international relations analyst from Nepal. He has conducted in-depth studies on Nepal-China relations, the geopolitics of the Himalayan region, and Asian security.
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